De europæiske Fængselsregler er "soft law" men er
indirekte på vej til at blive bindende regler

 


 

Af advokat Claus Bonnez, formand for KRIM

Den 21. oktober 2007

Dirk Van Zyl Smit, der er professor i komparativ og international strafferet ved Nottingham Universitet i Storbritannien, holdt på den internationale kongres om fængselsforhold i Barcelona i 2006 et oplæg om De europæiske Fængselsregler fra 11. januar 2006. Indlægges har været gengivet fuldt ud på linket:  http://www.gencat.net/justicia/doc/doc_16992330_1.pdf

Forfatteren var rådgivende ekspert for Europarådet i forbindelse med tilblivelsen af de nye fængselsregler.

Han indleder med at fortælle, at Europarådets komite for forebyggelse af tortur (CPT) gennem sine besøg i medlemslandenes fængsler og arresthuse, hvor CPT påtaler forhold i fængslerne, som CPT finder uhensigtsmæssige, efterhånden er blevet et væsentligt bidrag for udviklingen inden for straffuldbyrdelsesområdet i hele Europa. Forfatteren peger endvidere på den omstændighed, at Den europæiske menneskerettighedsdomstol (EMD) gennem de seneste år i stigende grad har fundet, at fangebehandling, der har været genstand for sager ved domstolen, er anset for at krænke konventionsbestemmelserne (navnlig artikel 3 og artikel 8 i EMRK). Opmærksomheden skal særligt henledes på bemærkningen om, at Den europæiske Menneskerettighedsdomstol (EMD) i stigende grad henviser til ("increasingly refers to")  CPTs vurderinger samt De europæiske Fængselsregler i dens afgørelser.

Forfatteren anfører blandt andet følgende:   
 

 
  "....: The second factor has been the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights.
The European Court, together initially with the European Commission on Human Rights,
is undoubtedly the world’s premier tribunal giving binding interpretations of international
human rights standards. Large numbers of detainees and prisoners of all kinds have long
turned to it for assistance. Initially, however, its reactions to these requests were mixed.
Access to lawyers and fair disciplinary procedures were areas in which the Court was
prepared to recognise Convention rights. The impact of these decisions was felt in the
United Kingdom in particular where it was a driving force for prison law reform from the mid
1970s onwards. As late as 2000, however, Steven Livingstone, a late and much lamented
colleague from Northern Ireland, could still conclude in his overview of prisoners’ rights
in the context of the European Convention on Human Rights that procedural compliance
with Convention standards had been more important to the Court than how prisoners were
in fact treated. In his view, in areas such as the prison the Court in Strasbourg had done
little more than legitimise the practice in most States conditions.

This has changed dramatically in recent years: In the evocatively named case of Kalashnikov
v. Russia (ECHR (2003)) the Court recognised for the fi rst time that overcrowding alone
could create prison conditions that constituted inhuman and degrading treatment that
contravened Article 3 of the European Convention of Human Rights. Other conditions of
imprisonment have also been found to contravene the provisions of the Convention: it is
now recognised, since the case of Van der Ven v. The Netherlands (ECHR (2003)), that the
frequency and method of body searching can also amount to a violation of Article 3.

C: Other Convention rights have also been applied in prison matters by the Court. The
protection of family life in Article 8 of the Convention was used by the European Court of
Human Rights in Messina v. Italy (ECHR (2000)) to fi nd that a regime that greatly restricted
visits and any meaningful contact during them could violate the Convention unless there
were clear justifi cations for such restrictions. In all the Court is now squarely involved in
deciding on substantive prisoners’ rights. In its decisions it increasingly refers to both the
existing European Prison Rules and the findings of the CPT. Like the CPT, its interpretations
are being underpinned by what human rights lawyers call evolving standards of decency.
All Europeans are bound to take note of these standards, in particular again the authors
of penological recommendations and rules.

The growing number of prisoners’ rights cases comes from both old and new member states
of the Council of Europe, but it is clear that the accession of many new member states in
Central and Eastern Europe is a third factor infl uencing the way in which European prison
standards are developing. There are several reasons for this. New member states often
have much higher imprisonment rates than old member states; this is coupled to the fact
that they often have smaller per capita incomes and less state expenditure per citizen,
which makes it harder for them to conform to European prison standards and rules. More
specifi cally, many of them have only recently abolished the death penalty and have for
the fi rst time to deal with large numbers of prisoners serving life sentences: conversely
there is also a particular need for forms of conditional release to reduce the over-reliance
on imprisonment.

It should be recognised that the traffi c in new ideas is not only from West to East. For
example, when it comes to intimate visits between prisoners and their partners, the Eastern
European custom of allowing 72 hours or more for such visits is far more acceptable than
the brief ‘conjugal visits’ customary in some Western countries, which can be humiliating
for both the prisoner and the partner.

Til støtte for, at Den europæiske europæiske Menneskerettighedsdomstol i stigende grad citerer de europæiske fængselsregler i sine afgørelser, kan nævnes afgørelsen "Mathew v. Netherlands" af 15. februar 2006, § 126 (app.-no. 24919/03). "Modarca v. Moldova" af 10. maj 2007 er et lignende eksempel på, at reglerne citeres i EMDs afgørelser. Se afgørelsens  §40. Sidstnævnte afgørelse har app.-no. 14437/05.